October 6th 2018

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Articles from this issue:

COVER STORY Bank plan a sure bet to build up PNG and our Pacific neighbours

VICTORIA Infrastructure fiasco clogs Melbourne roads

CANBERRA OBSERVED Ex Lib leaders seldom follow the rule that silence is golden

THE ECONOMY A shower of cold facts may counter coal phobia

POWER AND ENERGY SECURITY Not the moment to hit the snooze button, Australia

LIFE ISSUES Abortion grief: a restoration of honour

NATIONAL AFFAIRS Drought: just one element in a bigger climate picture

FREEDOM OF SPEECH Former High Court chief defends free speech on campuses

EUTHANASIA Seeking peace in a poisoned chalice

NATIONAL AFFAIRS Migration numbers: a new discussion begins

OPINION Victorian election 2018: How will you vote

FICTION A gentle dying

MUSIC Amy Winehouse: A natural jazz talent

CINEMA Searching: Digital window on the soul

BOOK REVIEW Biological realities v social constructs

BOOK REVIEW A little application of common sense

CHINA Social Credit System gives complete control of every citizen

LIFE ISSUES Bowing to the goddess of abortion law reform: the pseudo-religion of radical feminism

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Bowing to the goddess of abortion law reform: the pseudo-religion of radical feminism

by Gilbert Keith

News Weekly, October 6, 2018

In October 2008, the Victorian Parliament passed legislation to remove abortion from the Crimes Act after roughly 40 years of campaigning from militant radical feminists.

Reflecting on that legislation, DLP MP Peter Kavanagh remarked: “It’s hard to imagine a worse bill and a worse model, and indeed that’s partly why it was passed here; to be a model for other jurisdictions.”

That model has been replicated almost exactly in Queensland 10 years later, where not only the content of the Termination of Pregnancy 2018 Bill, but even its surrounding circumstances echo those of the Victorian abortion reform battle with eerie similarity.

In 2007, Victorian Premier John Brumby convinced fellow Labor MP Candy Broad to withdraw her Private Members Bill to decriminalise abortion, and instead to refer the current legislation to the Victorian Law Reform Commission less than 48 hours before it was due to be debated.

Brumby’s reasoning was supposedly to come up with a bill that better reflected community sentiment. Others said it was withdrawn because Labor didn’t want to be branded as “The Abortion Party” at the upcoming federal election. Pro-lifers viewed it as a partial victory; history now tells them it wasn’t.

In 2017, former Labor-turned-independent MP Rob Pyne was convinced to withdraw his Abortion Law Reform Bill and instead have current legislation referred to the Queensland Law Reform Commission less than 48 hours before it was due to be debated. Deputy Premier Jackie Trad and Attorney-General Yvette D’Ath said this was because Mr Pyne’s bill was not written well enough. Others said it was because the Government didn’t have the numbers. Pro-lifers viewed it as a partial victory; probability now tells them it wasn’t.

In Queensland the community sentiment line touted by Victorian MPs a decade ago is a constant in the messaging of groups like Pro-Choice Qld and Children by Choice. It has now come into question, however, due to consistent community outrage at the extremities of the Termination of Pregnancy Bill. Here’s a snapshot of what that outrage looks like:

● A Brisbane March for Life was attended by 4,000–6,000.

● A Cairns Rally for Life was attended by 400.

● A Toowoomba Rally for Life was attended by almost 1,000.

● A Parliamentary petition was signed by 39,261 people, making it Queensland’s largest petition in over a decade.

● Of approximately 4,800 submissions to the Health Committee, 78 per cent oppose the bill and only 15 per cent are for it.

● One final Rally for Life outside Queensland Parliament will take place on Saturday October 13, when Melbourne hosts its March for the Babies.

While supporters of the bill have not been without community action, in all of their gatherings they have not been able to muster a showing in excess of 200 people.

This is truly democracy in action. Yet whether the Queensland Government want to be viewed as democratic on any level depends on how they deal with this radical feminist sacrament of a bill in the face of such resistance.

Speaking of sacraments, Polish “Catholic” Premier Annastacia Palaszczuk, known to be much more softly spoken on life and death matters than her deputy, recently came out in favour of the bill in a Brisbane Times article.

“At the end of the day, I think it needs to be a woman’s choice with her doctor,” Ms Palaszczuk said.

The irony here is that even though up to 14,000 abortions already happen each year in Queensland, this bill would permit women to compel doctors to act against their consciences when they believe abortion to be medically unnecessary. Like the Victorian legislation, the bill says that doctors who conscientiously object must refer: meaning that, at some stage, some doctor is going to have to perform the abortion whether they like it or not. So it is not “a woman’s choice with her doctor”, but simply a woman’s choice … or could it be her coercive partner’s choice? Under this bill we will never know.

If only some reasonable measures including full conscientious objection for medicos, a cooling-off period, independent counselling, and a gestational limit of around 13 weeks were included, this bill could pass without much opposition in Parliament or from the public.

But the left faction of Labor that currently rules Queensland politics will have none of it. It refuses to make any concessions that could lead to an argument that preborn humans deserve legal recognition as persons, or that a critical mass of women may be harmed in some way by abortion. The simple, albeit flawed, reasoning is that it doesn’t fulfil their commitments to the pseudo-religion of radical feminism to which they adhere with ardent loyalty. If I were in the business of mental health, I would call this a guilt complex.

Now, if you think calling radical feminism a pseudo-religion is a step too far, consider the following justifications:

● Even though science has shown us just how human a 22-week-old fetus is, adherents to radical feminism still believe that that fetus is morally equivalent to unnecessary organs like tonsils or an appendix.

● In fact, they believe (once again in direct contrast to scientific fact) that a fetus with its own DNA, heart, and brain is one of their actual body parts.

● Radical feminism ostracises other feminists who regret their abortions and even those who develop mental illness following an abortion in apparent fear that acknowledging ongoing grief or regret might weaken the faith of other radical feminists.

While they happily point the finger at Christians for believing in a faith based on guilt, a quick analysis of what they are fighting for in this bill and how they are fighting for it, calls them and their ideology into question as never before.

Over the past few weeks I have not been surprised by the number of pro-choicers who have said they are against this particular bill. It further supports an inkling I have had from the beginning of this campaign: that this bill and the ideology it manifests is nothing but a plea for vindication and liberation from persistent guilt.

If only they realised that there are far healthier ways to heal a wound than to inflict it on an entire society.

All you need to know about
the wider impact of transgenderism on society.
TRANSGENDER: one shade of grey, 353pp, $39.99

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