January 8th 2005


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Articles from this issue:

COVER STORY: DEMOCRACY: How free societies perish

EDITORIAL: New direction in Aboriginal policy

NATIONAL AFFAIRS: The bubble economy - can it last?

AGRICULTURE: Getting rural policy on track

LIVESTOCK: 18,100 livestock farmers gone

OPINION: Post-Latham: now for a real Third Way

AUSTRALIA'S CONSTITUTION: The Governor-General is our head of state

LIFE AND FAITH: The quest for meaning in James McAuley

STRAWS IN THE WIND: La Ronde / A quarry and a hard place / National politics / Maritime terrorism

OBITUARY: Vale Pat Edward Conway (1932-2004)

EUTHANASIA: Continent Death: Euthanasia in Europe

Left's educational legacy (letter)

BOOKS: HUMAN DIGNITY IN THE BIOTECH CENTURY: A Christian vision for public policy

BOOKS: TREASON: Liberal Treachery from the Cold War to the War on Terrorism, by Ann Coulter

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OPINION:
Post-Latham: now for a real Third Way


by Vern Hughes

News Weekly, January 8, 2005
Vern Hughes, executive director of Social Enterprise Partnerships and national president of People Power, has vigorously promoted co-operatives as the alternative to corporate capitalism and state socialism.

In the late 1990s, Mark Latham seemed a rarity in Australian politics: a politician who read widely, wrote prolifically, and vented opinions outside his party's canon of approved thoughts.

His themes in the years from 1997 to 2002 were the right themes for Australia: deficiencies in public and private governance; the relationships between citizens (and between citizens and governments); our declining stocks of social capital; the capture of our key institutions by "insiders"; and the pervasiveness of disenchantment as our number one political song.

These themes in the UK and North America in the 1990s were linked with the Third Way debate. In Australia, that debate never got off the ground. Mark Latham was the only federal politician prepared to welcome the discussion.

Set-piece battles

Both left and right mocked these themes. They preferred set-piece battles over familiar territory (symbolic reconciliation, privatisation of Telstra, Medicare) rather than the unfamiliar territory of community engagement and social regeneration.

And then a curious thing happened. Drawn to his party's leadership like a bear to a honeypot, Mark Latham found himself leading a party that remained untouched by the debate to which he'd devoted his preceding years. Instead of the new Third Way politics of partnership and reconnection, Latham's party remained stuck in a 19th-century mould of "statism, unionism, and class", as he described it in 2001. It was never going to work.

The depth of the Latham tragedy can be best seen by retrieving some of his best thinking, offered in a speech to a Third Way conference organised by the University of NSW Centre for Applied Economic Research in 2001. In defining the Third Way, Latham said:

This is best demonstrated through a series of practical examples:

In schools policy, left-wing politics has tried to achieve its goals through the creation of large education departments, while right-wing politics has emphasised the need for individualised vouchers. A Third Way solution is to encourage parents to run community or charter schools.

In the current school funding debate in Australia, the government sector has been pitted against the non-government sector, a situation in which schools are fighting schools. A Third Way solution is to require the top non-government schools to assist struggling government schools - a mentoring plan that builds bridges and collaboration across the school sectors.

In the welfare debate, the left has advocated large increases in government spending, while the right has emphasised the need for personal motivation and responsibility. A Third Way solution is to support the work of social entrepreneurs: innovative projects that create new social and economic partnerships in disadvantaged neighbourhoods.

In the past, left-wing politics has been hostile to the free market system, while the right has strongly supported the profit motive. The Third Way, by contrast, sees the reform of capitalism as an ethical question. It wants the corporate sector to meet its proper social responsibilities, reconnecting global economics with local communities.

Finally, in the law and order debate, both sides of Australian politics have engaged in a bidding war for tougher sentencing laws. Our State election campaigns have become a contest to build more prisons and to put more people in gaol. A Third Way solution is to focus on rehabilitation and restorative justice programs, making offenders face up to the social consequences of their crimes.

(Mark Latham "Reinventing Collectivism: The New Social Democracy", Paper for the Third Way Conference, Centre for Applied Economic Research, UNSW, Sydney, July 12, 2001.)

These directions, however, are anathema to Labor, and Latham as party leader quickly jettisoned anything that resembled Third Way thinking and anchored himself in the familiarity of Labor statism.

With feet of lead, the once quick-footed Latham became a sitting target.

Schools policy stood under a teacher-union veto. Health policy was locked away in the old "let the government foot the bill" mindset. Prevented by Labor's chieftains from linking social policy to an empowerment agenda, Latham was reduced to campaigning on reading to kids, and some dental work for pensioners.

Latham's electoral humiliation became a matter of when, not if. Mercifully, an October 9 election allowed for a relatively early preparation of the coffin.

None of this is to suggest that Latham's Third Way ideas were not welcome. Many thoughtful Australians across the political spectrum welcomed this brief period of freshness and real debate. But the possibility that Labor might be a vehicle for such ideas was put beyond all doubt by the Latham leadership experiment.

Self-help, empowerment and mutuality remain the keys to a renovation of Australian politics and society. Leadership and organisation have been the missing ingredients.

The core dynamic in the new politics is the devolution of power and responsibility to individuals, families and communities, and the institutions of civil society. Mark Latham in his optimistic period was fond of quoting Tom Bentley of the UK's Demos Foundation:

Today's politicians are trapped in a contest between two inherently limited models of policy delivery. The left offers the promise of strong public services, developed and managed by a strong political centre, using new technology to individualise the services each citizen draws upon. The right, meanwhile, continues to offer the chimera of a minimal state, with social need met by private action. The striking fact is that both models continue with the myth that government can deliver on behalf of the people it serves. The truth, of course, is that politics cannot change society unless it can persuade people to change the way they themselves behave. In other words, we must now move towards grown-up government - institutions which respect the intelligence and self-determination of individuals, but which expect people to take active responsibility for producing collective solutions.

(Tom Bentley, It's Democracy, Stupid - An Agenda for Self-Government, (Demos, London, 2001), pages 6-7.)

Grown-up government. And grown-up politics. It's time for a real Third Way.




























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